After Nasrallah, Naim Qassem inherits Hezbollah’s ruins and Iran’s expectations

A week later, on the night of October 3-4, Nasrallah’s designated successor, Hashem Safieddine, 60, was also killed. For 20 years, he held the title of head of Hezbollah’s Executive Council. A very shrewd man, he became known in the West partly because of his family ties, as a first cousin of the slain secretary-general. His connections with Iran were especially close. His only son, Reza, married Zeinab Soleimani, daughter of Qassem Soleimani, the legendary commander of Iran’s Quds Force.

Hezbollah secretary-general Naim Qassem

(Photo: Al Manar TV/Reuters)

Two days after Safieddine’s killing, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi’s plane landed in Beirut. Officially, he came to offer condolences as a representative of the Iranian government. The real purpose of the visit became clear only at the end. On the flight back to Tehran, Naim Qassem, Hezbollah’s new secretary-general, also boarded the plane. After years serving as the personal envoy of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, he received the formal seal for his appointment as the organization’s commander even before he landed in Tehran.

Sheik Naim Qassem, known as “al-Abdi” (the eternal), was born in 1953 in the village of Fila near Sidon. Behind his back he earned the nickname “the chemistry teacher,” after completing a bachelor’s degree at the University of Beirut in 1970 and spending years teaching chemistry at a boys high school in the Lebanese capital. During that period he devoted himself to religious studies under Lebanon’s leading Shiite authority, Mohammad Hussein Fadlallah, who later became Hezbollah’s chief religious guide. Until his death in 2010, Fadlallah repeatedly called in sermons for Shiites to join the “armed resistance,” with all that implies, against the “enemy state.” He described calls to disarm Hezbollah after the Second Lebanon War as an outright “act of betrayal.”

Posters of Naim Qassem and Hassan Nasrallah in Lebanon

(Photo: Mahmoud Zayat/AFP)

Fadlallah was a revered source of authority for Qassem, who continues in his path and declares again and again that “Hezbollah will never give up its weapons.” “Naim Qassem may be a pale figure, and it is hard to compare him to his predecessor Nasrallah,” a Lebanese civil administration official in Beirut tells ynet “But don’t be mistaken. He is like a rusty nail driven into a living body that refuses to let go. He has extreme views that go even further than Nasrallah’s.”

For 33 years Qassem served as Hezbollah’s deputy secretary-general, starting in the era of Abbas Moussaoui, who led the group before Nasrallah. Qassem belonged to the founding generation that broke from the Shiite Amal Movement to establish the “Party of God,” Hezbollah. But he received the deputy role in 1991, on the assumption that he would never truly advance. No one believed the day would come when circumstances would allow him to take the top post.

“It is an appointment by accident,” says Hanin Ghaddar, a former Lebanese Shiite journalist who moved to the United States after a series of threats from Hezbollah. She is now a senior fellow at The Washington Institute, where she studies Shiite politics. “They always bypassed him. No one took him seriously, neither in Hezbollah’s leadership nor in the intelligence bodies that track Hezbollah. He looked like a default choice for secretary-general because there was no other senior figure who could get the job with the blessing of Khamenei and Iran’s Revolutionary Guards.”

“Yes, he always wanted the position and did not hide his plans,” Ghaddar adds, “but his role today is symbolic. To give speeches, sit in Hezbollah councils and use his ties in Tehran to make sure the money keeps flowing.” Still, she underscores, Qassem is considered a “dangerous toy.”

It is impossible to say exactly where Hezbollah’s new secretary-general is living today. One can assume that his wife, daughter and son are living separately from him, emerging at a safe house only after a series of detours meant to shake off informants or surveillance aircraft. Hezbollah’s leadership has learned not to trust anyone, not in Lebanon, not among outside Arab actors and not even the Iranians. The Revolutionary Guards are eager to penetrate Lebanon. They cannot do it through the front door, and not really by sea or through side doors, either. Over the past year, the Iranians have received only a handful of rare approvals to visit Lebanon. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi was granted entry only three times in the past year.

Badr, a Lebanese government official: ‘Naim Qassem may be a pale figure and hard to compare with Nasrallah. But don’t be mistaken, his views are even more extreme and far-reaching’

President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam stated unequivocally that “there is no entry for Iranians.” U.S. special envoy Tom Barrack is backing that decision. The meaning is no flights, no overland travel through Syria, no foothold of any kind. The Americans, French and Saudis receive real-time reports on Iranian attempts. “But Washington is sending signals that Syria is more interesting,” says Dr. M.A, a veteran historian at the American University of Beirut. “They will start paying attention to Lebanon only when there is an explosion or real fighting with Israel.”

Hezbollah under Qassem is still recovering from the sophisticated pager attack. Just over a year has passed since thousands of pagers and hundreds of walkie-talkies exploded in the hands of Hezbollah operatives in Lebanon. The secretary-general at the time, Nasrallah, was prepared to admit he was in shock. His deputy, Naim Qassem, went into hiding at a new address. Sixty Hezbollah members were killed, along with several civilians who happened to be nearby. Nearly 5,000 were wounded, among them the Iranian ambassador in Beirut whose pager exploded. He lost an eye and several fingers on his right hand, and was quickly returned to Beirut after receiving medical treatment in Tehran.

The operation rattled not only Hezbollah but all of Lebanon. “I remember we were sitting at a relative’s home in Beirut’s Dahiyeh and the phone calls started coming in, along with reports of waves of mysterious explosions,” recalls a senior academic in Beirut. “It sounded like a fantasy film, until we received photos taken by civilians walking through Beirut’s market who witnessed the horrific scenes. What can I say? Hats off to the brilliant Mossad operation.” Israel did not initially take responsibility for the operation. “And we knew,” my Lebanese interlocutor explains. “Because who else could carry out something like that?”

“We did not respond,” the senior Lebanese media figure recalls. “I remember sitting in the newsroom and gloating over Hezbollah’s misfortune. Understand this, Nasrallah was admired by many of us, and we had harsh complaints about Israel for messing up our daily lives, but over the past year we increasingly felt how the pincers of the United States, Saudi Arabia and France, and of course Israel, were tightening and squeezing us. And on the other side, Hezbollah was preventing the Lebanese army from functioning.”

Hassan Nasrallah

(Photo: Al-Manar/AFP)

Yes, these are days of unusual closeness between Israel and a significant share of Lebanon’s citizens. “I feel much closer to Israel than to Hezbollah people,” says Shimon, a Lebanese economist who has worked for years in a state institution. “There is suddenly a strong sense among the Lebanese public of moving closer to Israel. We definitely notice that you are not striking Lebanese targets and are careful not to attack the Lebanese army. It seems you are focusing mainly on Hezbollah targets.”

Montasser, a Lebanese academic, describes “cafe conversations” among young Lebanese who “do not want war and see Hezbollah as a dangerous burden that cannot be gotten rid of.” Dr. M.A., the historian, says, “In the past 30 years we have not felt this close to Israel. All of a sudden people here are talking about the day when Lebanese citizens can visit Jerusalem and reach the beach in Tel Aviv, in Jaffa, in Acre. We have learned Israel’s landscape pretty well.”

Hanin Ghaddar, who speaks with senior officials in the state, also argues that Lebanon is at a critical point. “I have never identified such broad support for a future dialogue with Israel,” she says, “as well as a willingness among citizens to move toward peace.” P., an editor at a Lebanese newspaper, states bluntly, “The picture in Lebanon changed overnight. What happened over the past year proved to the Lebanese citizen that Israel is not chasing him or seeking to harm him.”

Hezbollah has enormous motivation to survive, and the current secretary-general works nonstop to restore the terrorist organization to its former glory. “Iran’s ruler Khamenei has in effect appointed Qassem as his personal representative in Lebanon,” says Col. (ret.) Dr. Jacques Neriah, a Lebanon-born former senior Israeli military intelligence officer who is now a researcher at the Jerusalem Center for Foreign Affairs and Security. “Under the government’s radar Qassem managed to rehabilitate Hezbollah, recruit young Shiites, train them and open new tracks. Even if he lacks charisma, I suggest not underestimating him.”

“They transfer missiles through Syria, receive a billion dollars from Iran and open factories to produce drones and missiles,” Neriah says, offering a bleak assessment. “A third of Lebanese do not want any arrangement with Israel. On the contrary, they have serious grievances with us.” The money held by the organization is a key incentive for recruitment. If a soldier in the Lebanese army gets a monthly salary worth about $250, whether single or married with children, Hezbollah’s pay is roughly 10 times more, about $2,000 to $2,500 a month.

A Hezbollah rally

(Photo: NurPhoto/Fadel Itani/AFP)

A large share of the organization’s funding comes from Iranian money. Another portion comes from the drug-smuggling industry from Lebanon to South America under Hezbollah’s protection.

The organization also runs an interest-free loan fund, al-Qard al-Hassan, which operates 36 branches across Lebanon and, according to Neriah, “blatantly ignores the civil government.” Recently, the fund began hanging in its branches the photos of Nasrallah and his cousin and successor Hashem Safieddine instead of photos of Lebanon’s president and prime minister. From Qassem’s perspective, and Hezbollah’s in general, it is as if Lebanon’s government does not exist.

Two senior Hezbollah figures assist Qassem in running the terrorist organization. The first is Wafiq Safa, a longtime Hezbollah member married to Nasrallah’s sister. Israelis remember him mainly as the head of the negotiating committee with Israel on the return of the bodies of Eldad Regev and Ehud Goldwasser. Safa was the man who arrived in a black car at the border crossing at Naqoura, opened the door of the black Mercedes and from it the coffins were taken out. U.S. intelligence officials claim Safa was involved in the assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri in February 2005. The U.S. government imposed severe sanctions on him, along with Lebanese parliament member Mohammad Raad, known as a terrorist and as someone who provides support to those who carry out attacks in Lebanon.

Dr. Jacques Neriah: ‘Under the government’s radar, Qassem has managed to rebuild Hezbollah, drive the recruitment of young Shiites, train them and open new tracks. Even if he is not a charismatic figure, I suggest not underestimating him’

While Safa works behind the scenes, the person running the public show is Lebanese Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, leader of the Shiite Amal Movement. He moves between Hezbollah and the presidential palace, cutting deals above and below the table. On paper, the two Shiite movements, Amal and Hezbollah, hold 27 out of 128 seats in parliament, not an overwhelming majority. In practice, they wield significant influence and can block many moves in a deeply divided state.

“Nabih Berri is a cunning and dangerous fox,” Ghaddar says. “He is Lebanon’s veteran politician, and every foreign representative who comes to Beirut must meet with him because of his role as parliament speaker. The Lebanese president and prime minister take his recommendations into account. His links to Iran are not visible, but they exist. He is definitely the kind of politician who mainly plays behind the scenes, and his influence is enormous.”

As Hezbollah rebuilds its strength, Lebanon is trying to return military control to the state. In March, Gen. Rodolphe Haykal was appointed army chief, reporting directly to the army’s former commander, President Joseph Aoun. In Israel they know the president and the army chief well. “The problem is that they have no real power, after many years in which Hezbollah ran security affairs and took command, together with UNIFIL, against Israel,” a knowledgeable Israeli source says.

The president’s challenge now, as he continues to serve as something like a supreme chief of staff, centers on a logistical and operational problem. How to collect Hezbollah’s vast stockpiles of weapons. How to destroy the depots and caches, locate and shut down training bases. How to empty homes in the country’s south and in the Bekaa Valley of huge quantities of rifles, drones and missile stores. “There is a consensus today in civil Lebanon for disarmament,” Ghaddar says. “But it is important to proceed carefully so that this struggle does not explode into an internal war of army, Hezbollah and civilians inside Lebanon.”

According to official information, the Lebanese army has already reached about 100 Hezbollah ammunition depots. “But Lebanese soldiers are not managing to collect the weapons,” one of my Beirut interlocutors tells me, to my surprise. “Hezbollah lies in wait near the large depots, and its people, dressed in civilian clothes, chase the soldiers away.”

About two weeks ago, Hezbollah secretary-general Qassem published an open letter stating that “Hezbollah has a full right to resist” the state’s weapons collection operation. He warned President Aoun “not to enter negotiations with Israel.” Copies of the warning letter were sent to Lebanon’s prime minister, the parliament speaker and newspaper newsrooms. Qassem added, “We will not negotiate with Israel, we will not submit to blackmail, and we will preserve our right of resistance and our weapons.”

‘No one took Naim Qassem seriously, not within Hezbollah’s leadership and not in the intelligence bodies tracking the organization. He seemed like a default choice for secretary-general,’ said Hanin Ghaddar, a Hezbollah expert.

It is not clear who drafted the blunt letter meant to halt the Lebanese army’s disarmament efforts. Was Parliament Speaker Berri a secret partner in the move. In any case, Hezbollah’s position toward Israel is very clear. “We will reject any political initiative, domestic or international, that is meant to bring Lebanon to the negotiating table with Israel,” Qassem wrote. “Our priority is first to stop Israeli aggression and make sure it is the IDF, not Lebanon, that meets the ceasefire conditions. The very idea of negotiations carries risks that threaten Lebanon’s sovereignty and stability.”

Last week, Lebanon’s president and prime minister told the U.S. government, Saudi Arabia and France that they cannot handle Hezbollah’s disarmament without outside help. The Saudi crown prince replied briefly, “These are your problems.” The U.S. administration hinted it prefers to examine the intentions of Syria’s new president, and allies at the Elysee Palace also showed little interest.

So what is left to do. Lebanon’s government filed an urgent complaint to the United Nations against Israel over the construction of a new security wall near the village of Yaroun in southern Lebanon. The claim was that the IDF is building the wall in the temporary border zone between the countries, beyond the Blue Line and on Lebanese territory. Israel is not arguing and is not prepared to give up, and President Trump is again not intervening.

“The Israeli construction is being carried out on Lebanese soil and is considered a violation of the Security Council resolution,” Dr. M.A says, warning Israelis. “We understand Israel wants to block Hezbollah from approaching border communities. But pay attention, Hezbollah knows how to cross the border through the air as well.”