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Just eight days into Donald Trump’s first term, the legal expert Benjamin Wittes coined a phrase that would come to describe many of the president’s actions: “malevolence tempered by incompetence.” Wittes’ idea was that Trump’s inattention to detail and ignorance of how government works often undermine his malign aims. More than nine years later, the phrase still applies—this time to Trump’s efforts to use the power of the federal government to punish his political enemies. A president determined to weaponize his office is, obviously, a dangerous perversion of how American presidents should behave. Yet two new investigations reveal both the malevolence and the incompetence of this president’s ongoing revenge tour.

The first effort reflects one of Trump’s main preoccupations: his 2020 election defeat. After Trump claimed fraud and egged on the crowd that sacked the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, some of his own officials turned against him. One of them was Cassidy Hutchinson, a former aide to Trump’s then–chief of staff, who testified to a House committee investigating the attack that Trump wanted magnetometers near the White House removed to let potentially armed rioters join the crowd. On Thursday, we learned that Trump’s Justice Department is reportedly trying to convince a grand jury in D.C. to charge Hutchinson with a crime or crimes, which could include lying to Congress.

It’s not yet clear what prosecutors think Hutchinson lied about, but threatening a former subordinate with jail time in an attempt to rewrite the history of your coup attempt is as nefarious as it gets. And while it’s certainly possible that the grand jury will indict Hutchinson, several of Trump’s other efforts to turn the justice system against his enemies have fallen flat. Grand juries in Washington have refused to criminally charge Democratic lawmakers who urged service members to disobey illegal orders, a protester accused of throwing a sandwich at a federal immigration agent, and several others. Still other indictments—against New York Attorney General Letitia James and former FBI Director James Comey—have fallen apart under judges’ scrutiny. The DOJ itself has also struggled to find pretexts on which to hang indictments of other Trump foes and is hemorrhaging staff as career prosecutors balk at taking part in nakedly political investigations. Unlike in his first term, Trump is surrounded today by true believers who are earnestly trying to realize his revenge fantasies. But the law keeps thwarting them, and the Hutchinson case could become the latest example.

Still, the president has shown a dogged willingness to try, try again. His second effort to go after a political foe this week is actually a redo of an earlier one. On Friday, Trump announced a White House committee to investigate Lisa Cook, a Federal Reserve governor, over allegations of mortgage fraud leveled by one of the president’s own appointees. The committee, which is stocked with Trump appointees, is set to hold a hearing next month about whether Cook should lose her job.

Trump, who has accused the Fed of political bias, seems to be gunning for Cook in part because she’s a Joe Biden appointee. But he’s also targeting her now because his previous attempt to fire her flopped. In a rare adverse ruling for the president, the Supreme Court temporarily blocked Trump from removing Cook in June, saying she hadn’t had sufficient opportunity to contest the claims against her (she denies them). But a majority of the justices also signaled that they don’t like the idea of presidents removing Fed officials on a whim because the central bank’s independence is key to setting sound monetary policy. So even though Trump’s new committee looks like a kangaroo court, Cook’s future is still very much in doubt.

One reason the president’s revenge tour keeps flailing is that it’s largely a product of his delusions, which keep running smack into the brick wall of reality. But the possibility that Trump will fail to nail both of his latest targets doesn’t mean what he’s doing is benign. The mere fact of being investigated can exact a toll in stress and legal fees, and even watching Trump fall short could discourage others from standing up to him. We’re also less than halfway through Trump’s second term, and if his first is any indication, things could get rockier toward the end. If Democrats retake Congress next month, it may leave Trump more isolated and inclined to lash out. Buckle up!

An illustrated reader looks at their phone on the couch.

Tolga Akdoğan

Slate was an early adopter of the listicle, that now-familiar internet format. Over the years, the magazine has ranked everything from Super Bowl halftime shows and horrible wedding songs to pre-YouTube viral hits and Declaration of Independence signatures. In honor of the magazine’s 30th birthday, my colleagues have compiled a list of lists to keep you company over the long weekend:

All 339 Olympic events: The next Olympics is still a couple years away, but it’s not too early to start brushing up on your knowledge of the Summer Games. Before the torch is lit in Los Angeles in 2028, make sure to consult Slate’s list of every Olympic event, ranked from worst to best, compiled by Mike Canter. (For those who prefer the Winter Games, Justin Peters has you covered, with rankings of the best and worst sports—and the events ranked by the likelihood of a dog winning.)


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There’s a Reason Pete Hegseth Chose the Fort Hood Shooter for His Grotesque Publicity Stunt


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The Saving Grace of Trump’s Revenge Tour

The 40 greatest stand-alone TV episodes of all time: If you want to watch some TV this weekend but aren’t sure where to start, Slate has you covered. In this list, our writers recommend the best episodes that you can dive into right away—without having to commit to the whole series. It’s a great way to sample a new show.

All 349 “murmurs” in the Twilight saga: In this very scientific investigation, Rachelle Hampton ranked and charted all the times Stephenie Meyer used the word murmur in her YA vampire series. Come for the many murmured quotes, stay for some top-notch literary analysis.

The three things you need to know about politics this week: Slate senior politics writer Jim Newell is here to give you a sanity check. In his newsletter, the Surge, Jim explains one story that’s essential for understanding the news, one story to keep an eye on, and one story that everyone needs to chill out about. Sign up to get the Surge in your inbox every Saturday!

We’re off Monday for the holiday, so we’ll see you back here on Tuesday. Enjoy the long weekend!

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