{"id":908781,"date":"2026-09-28T17:06:27","date_gmt":"2026-09-28T17:06:27","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.newsbeep.com\/au\/908781\/"},"modified":"2026-09-28T17:06:27","modified_gmt":"2026-09-28T17:06:27","slug":"australia-wants-an-off-switch-for-the-algorithm-thats-the-wrong-fix","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.newsbeep.com\/au\/908781\/","title":{"rendered":"Australia Wants an Off Switch for &#8216;The Algorithm.&#8217; That&#8217;s the Wrong Fix"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><img alt=\" \" loading=\"lazy\" width=\"1024\" height=\"576\" decoding=\"async\" data-nimg=\"1\" style=\"color:transparent;aspect-ratio:1.7777777777777777;width:100%;height:auto\" src=\"https:\/\/www.newsbeep.com\/au\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/d99d26799fb72930a28c30e4752334ad0f4a24bc-1200x675.png\"\/><\/p>\n<p>Prime Minister Anthony Albanese speaks to the media at Parliament House on September 8, 2026 in Canberra, Australia. The Albanese government is preparing new digital duty of care laws that would require digital platforms to take greater responsibility for preventing and addressing online harms. (Photo by Hilary Wardhaugh\/Getty Images)<\/p>\n<p>On September 8, the Australian government released an exposure draft of its proposed <a href=\"https:\/\/www.infrastructure.gov.au\/department\/media\/publications\/exposure-draft-online-safety-amendment-digital-duty-care-bill-2026\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener nofollow\">Digital Duty of Care<\/a>, a welcome and necessary reform requiring online services to proactively identify foreseeable risks of harm and take reasonable steps to address them. It is a positive step towards protecting children, in particular, from the worst forms of harm originating online.<\/p>\n<p>The draft bill also requires platforms to provide \u201cuser empowerment tools,\u201d which are yet to be specified. But across <a href=\"https:\/\/www.pm.gov.au\/media\/press-conference-parliament-house-canberra-8-september-2026\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener nofollow\">press conferences<\/a>, <a href=\"https:\/\/minister.infrastructure.gov.au\/wells\/transcript\/abc-news-breakfast-james-glenday-4\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener nofollow\">interviews<\/a> and <a href=\"https:\/\/www.abc.net.au\/listen\/programs\/radionational-breakfast\/radio-national-breakfast\/107053950\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener nofollow\">media coverage<\/a>, encouraged by the government\u2019s messaging, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.abc.net.au\/news\/2026-09-08\/labour-s-social-media-algorithm-choice-duty-of-care-bill\/107130100\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener nofollow\">media outlets<\/a> and <a href=\"https:\/\/www.smc.org.au\/our-latest\/my-feed,-my-way-laws-will-give-your-algorithm-an-off-switch\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener nofollow\">commentators<\/a> seized on an idea far simpler than the full proposed reforms: Australians would be able, for the first time, to <a href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/australia-news\/2026\/sep\/08\/australia-social-media-algorithm-switch-off-opt-out-digital-duty-of-care\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener nofollow\">turn off<\/a> \u2018the algorithm\u2019.<\/p>\n<p>Branded \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/www.pm.gov.au\/media\/my-feed-my-way\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener nofollow\">My Feed, My Way<\/a>,\u201d the government sold the duty of care as a proposal to provide safety for vulnerable users \u2014 especially children \u2014 and to give users aged 16+ greater control over whether their primary social media feed maintains the status quo of algorithmically recommended content or reverts to only displaying material from accounts they choose to follow, in chronological or reverse chronological order. More extensive, accessible and meaningful user control over the online experience is certainly needed, and the draft bill offers <a href=\"https:\/\/eprints.qut.edu.au\/268203\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener nofollow\">significant opportunities<\/a> to push platforms beyond the status quo. But why has the simplistic idea of an on-off switch for algorithmic recommendations become such a focus of the government\u2019s public case for reform?<\/p>\n<p>Part of the answer is that, in government rhetoric and public debate, \u2018the algorithm\u2019 has become a powerful shorthand for the much larger machinery of platforms\u2019 power and how they curate and serve content to users. Harmful content recommendations, predatory advertising, addictive design, political polarization and creator visibility are all now framed as problems of \u2018the algorithm\u2019. The concerns are real, but collapsing them obscures the fact that algorithms are not \u2018bad guys\u2019 in and of themselves. What matters is how algorithms are optimized: What signals they maximize, whose interests they serve, and what effects they produce at scale.<\/p>\n<p>Algorithms can\u2019t be \u2018switched off\u2019<\/p>\n<p>There is no single \u2018algorithm\u2019 that can be switched on or off. Data-driven machine learning systems incorporating algorithms are the building blocks of many computational systems.<\/p>\n<p>Even if algorithms could be switched off, it\u2019s typically not advisable. Recommender systems help solve an abundance problem: there is vastly more content available than any person can navigate, including from those that we may directly and actively follow. Recommender systems help curate and locate music, films, people, products and information.<\/p>\n<p>Digital platforms also use algorithms to moderate and recommend content, rank search results, target advertising, and detect spam or other inauthentic activity. They underpin safety systems and are critical to delivering a diversity of content to users. Increasingly, these processes involve machine learning models drawing on large volumes of behavioral data captured by these same platforms, which also means that user practices already partly shape the content of algorithmic feeds. In short, platforms must always decide which content is eligible to appear, what is removed or demoted, how spam is detected, where advertising goes and how other content is presented \u2014 and this requires algorithms.<\/p>\n<p>The problem, then, is not the existence of algorithmic recommendation, but what these systems are <a href=\"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/1369118X.2016.1271900\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener nofollow\">designed to optimize<\/a> for, what <a href=\"https:\/\/press.uchicago.edu\/ucp\/books\/book\/chicago\/C\/bo183892298.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener nofollow\">signals are valued<\/a>, whose interests those choices serve and what consequences follow. Recommendation systems need not prioritize advertising dollars and eyes on screens.<\/p>\n<p>For example, in a long-term experiment to optimize for kids\u2019 and teens\u2019 wellbeing, YouTube has worked routinely with a group of <a href=\"https:\/\/blog.youtube\/inside-youtube\/continued-support-for-teen-wellbeing-and-mental-health-on-youtube\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener nofollow\">international experts<\/a> to channel evidence-based guidance into detailed tweaks of their recommender systems for minors\u2019 accounts. Algorithms already weed out egregious content that violates platform guidelines but this leaves the more delicate question of how to deal with the corpus of content which is non-violative but potentially harmful for children at volume (think, endless makeup videos for girls). YouTube has developed and applied <a href=\"https:\/\/blog.youtube\/inside-youtube\/continued-support-for-teen-wellbeing-and-mental-health-on-youtube\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener nofollow\">a dual system of safeguards and quality principles<\/a> to ensure that low quality content that might be harmful at volume is systematically deprioritized and dispersed through kids\u2019 and teens\u2019 feeds to limit how often they encounter it. Unfortunately, since the implementation of the social media age restrictions, Australian under-16s can no longer benefit from this wellbeing-oriented optimization of teen accounts, including teens parent-supervised accounts.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cMy Feed, My Way\u201d contrasts the recommended feed with a chronological and\/or \u201cfollowing\u201d feed. Giving users choice is sensible and many platforms already offer tools to modify, disable or clear the algorithms shaping their feeds, although they are often difficult to find, use or understand. But chronology is not the absence of algorithmic mediation. A chronological or \u201cfollowing\u201d feed still applies rules about what content is included, excluded, and ordered from a potentially vast pool of material. More importantly, presenting users with a choice between two platform-defined modes offers only a limited form of agency. Our research on advertising transparency has shown the limits of the enhanced-controls <a href=\"https:\/\/journals.sagepub.com\/doi\/10.1177\/14614448241251796\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener nofollow\">approach<\/a>: providing users with information and controls does not necessarily render platform systems transparent or enhance users\u2019 agency over them.<\/p>\n<p>Nor does user choice necessarily need to mean a binary choice between complex, platform-driven algorithmic recommendation (which usually includes chronology and\/or followed accounts) and linear chronology or followed accounts alone. Feeds could prioritize users\u2019 most loved accounts, allow users to nominate sources they particularly value, or provide more direct transparency and control over ranking objectives. Alternative social media platforms like Bluesky take this a step further with its concept of a \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/bsky.social\/about\/blog\/7-27-2023-custom-feeds\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener nofollow\">marketplace of feeds<\/a>\u201d where users can design and share curated feeds for the benefit of the wider community.<\/p>\n<p>The algorithm doesn&#8217;t operate on an empty world<\/p>\n<p>Treating recommendation as the source of harmful content can also obscure a more basic problem: the content must exist before it can be recommended.<\/p>\n<p>This is particularly relevant in relation to Australia&#8217;s social media minimum-age restrictions. Young people without accounts can still access designated platforms in a logged-out state. For a recommender, this creates a classic \u201ccold start\u201d problem: if the system knows almost nothing about a user, what should it show them?<\/p>\n<p>Our content delivered to your inbox.<\/p>\n<p>Join our newsletter on issues and ideas at the intersection of tech &amp; democracy<\/p>\n<p>Thank you!<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align:center\">You have successfully joined our subscriber list.<\/p>\n<p>When examining logged-out or new account experiences, many report on how quickly poor-quality material is surfaced. This raises questions about what platforms recommend to an unknown user, but also about the pool of content from which those recommendations are drawn. If misogynistic or violent material is readily available before a recommender knows much about a user, removing personalization does not resolve the underlying problem.<\/p>\n<p>Importantly, the Digital Duty of Care itself recognizes this broader problem. Particularly for children, it reaches beyond algorithmic recommendation systems to the specific material made available by a service, the design features through which users encounter it, and the wider systems and processes that give rise to risks of harm. In this respect, the duty of care is considerably more sophisticated than the public debate about on-off switches for algorithmic feeds suggests.<\/p>\n<p>The Digital Duty of Care exposes the contradiction<\/p>\n<p>There is a curious tension in the government&#8217;s position: presenting \u2018the algorithm\u2019 as something from which users may want protection, while requiring platforms to become better at anticipating and mitigating harms, which logically requires more sophisticated algorithmic approaches, not fewer.<\/p>\n<p>At platform scale, identifying spam, abuse, coordinated harmful activity or patterns of risky negative exposure cannot be done manually. If we want platforms to identify repeated exposure to, for example, eating-disorder content and intervene, we are asking them to classify content, detect patterns and change how material is ranked or recommended for some or all users.<\/p>\n<p>This is why the detail of the Digital Duty of Care is more interesting than the rhetoric surrounding it. Its central idea is that providers should identify foreseeable risks of harm and take reasonable steps to mitigate them. The bill explicitly asks providers to assess potential harms arising not only from content, but from design features and other systems and processes. It assigns to platforms an overarching responsibility to consider, monitor and address the outcomes of algorithmic features like recommender systems, requiring a \u2018safety by design\u2019 approach.<\/p>\n<p>The bill\u2019s proposed rules requiring the provision of user empowerment tools also offers and requires a kind of flexibility that is very far from an on-off switch for algorithmic feeds. Platform specificity will be important: the algorithmic features of YouTube work differently from those of TikTok, Facebook or Instagram; TikTok may have a dominant \u2018For You\u2019 feed, while Instagram distributes recommendation across its main feed, Explore and Reels. Even identifying which \u2018algorithm\u2019 a user is supposedly switching off is less straightforward than the slogan suggests. Consequently, the controls users need to gain more agency over their experience will differ across platforms.<\/p>\n<p>We can&#8217;t govern what we can&#8217;t observe<\/p>\n<p>There is another important but lesser discussed detail of this bill. Politicians can demand that platforms \u2018fix the algorithm\u2019, but governments, researchers and the public have <a href=\"https:\/\/research.qut.edu.au\/dmrc\/data-access-and-transparency-what-is-it-how-could-we-improve-it\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener nofollow\">limited capacity<\/a> to determine what these systems actually do.<\/p>\n<p>Source-code transparency is not enough. Socially consequential outcomes emerge when recommendation systems interact with different users, content, contexts and behaviors.<\/p>\n<p>What we need is observability: the capacity to examine these systems in operation. What are different users encountering? Are some groups systematically exposed to different content? What specific changes to recommender systems are effective in reducing harm? Can independent researchers test a platform&#8217;s claims about what its interventions have achieved?<\/p>\n<p>This matters particularly under a duty of care. If platforms must identify risks of harm, mitigate them and assess whether their interventions work, independent actors require the capacity to verify those claims. Otherwise platforms remain responsible for both operating the systems and telling us whether they are safe.<\/p>\n<p>Encouragingly, the bill begins to recognize this problem. Providers would be required to conduct and retain risk assessments, while separate provisions create a basis for researcher data access and protect approved researchers using \u2018sock puppet\u2019 identities to study platforms. The details of those access arrangements will matter enormously, but the principle is important: accountability cannot depend solely on what platforms choose to tell us about their own systems.<\/p>\n<p>Perhaps this is ultimately the problem with \u2018the algorithm\u2019 as our regulatory target. It directs attention towards a mechanic when the more important questions concern systems: what they optimize, how they are designed, what choices they afford, what harms they produce, and whether anyone outside the companies operating them can independently see the results.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"Prime Minister Anthony Albanese speaks to the media at Parliament House on September 8, 2026 in Canberra, Australia.&hellip;\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":908782,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[4],"tags":[64,63,44],"class_list":["post-908781","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-australia","tag-au","tag-australia","tag-news"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.newsbeep.com\/au\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/908781","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.newsbeep.com\/au\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.newsbeep.com\/au\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.newsbeep.com\/au\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.newsbeep.com\/au\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=908781"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.newsbeep.com\/au\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/908781\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.newsbeep.com\/au\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/908782"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.newsbeep.com\/au\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=908781"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.newsbeep.com\/au\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=908781"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.newsbeep.com\/au\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=908781"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}