Ireland is an island. We’re not a separate planet. We are deeply integrated into a highly globalised world and more so with every passing year. Almost all the serious challenges we have faced in recent years were external in origin: the global financial crisis and the bailout, Brexit, the pandemic, the surge in migration, climate change and the cost of living crisis.

At the moment, we are experiencing the second energy price shock in less than five years. The first was triggered by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the current one by the US-Israel attack on Iran. The Irish government can do things to soften the impact of these crises but only concerted global action can resolve them. We have a part to play in that.

It came as no surprise that so many hard-right actors and influencers quickly latched on to the fuel protests. They offered their support while attempting to blend it with their own ideology — hostility to migration and foreign aid, climate denial, distrust of the democratic process, media and civil society, sneaking admiration for presidents Trump and Putin and their wars.

I have no doubt that the vast majority of people engaging in protests and blockades are not motivated by this ideology. They have “bread and butter” concerns. They are angry about the sharp rise in fuel prices, concerned about the future of businesses they’ve built up for years and are convinced that the government could do more.

A lot of people, shocked at how much it cost to fill their car this week, or worried about increases in electricity and gas bills to come, will sympathise with them. Protesters cannot control who turns up at their demonstrations, but their spokesmen can avoid repeating their speaking points and taking on their ideas.

Three things piqued my interest this week and should be grounds for concern to us all as citizens of a free country.

The first was the claim that the protesters were “sent by” or spoke for “the Irish people”. In a democracy, the only people mandated to do that are those elected to do so. Believing that a few thousand followers online, at a meeting or on the streets is a mandate to dictate terms to government or defy the rule of law is disturbing.

The second was the demand that the carbon tax be abolished. Unlike VAT and excise, the carbon tax (or most of it) is ring-fenced for climate action. It helps to fund the fuel allowance that provides extra money to half a million Irish households in the winter. It funds home energy upgrades, solar panels, electric vehicle charging points and greener farming. The fact that it increases at a slow and steady rate each year sends a message to businesses and citizens alike — making the right investments now, or when you can afford to, will pay off in the long term. It’s how this generation can free future ones from the rollercoaster of fossil fuel prices that has plagued us since the 1970s right up to the present events in the Strait of Hormuz.

The latest energy crisis teaches us once again that climate action — more renewables and greater energy efficiency — is the only pathway to energy security and price stability. The same goes for our food system, which is also overdependent on imported carbon in the form of fuel and fertiliser, all of which drives fluctuations in food prices. Abolishing the carbon tax would give short-term relief in return for long-term pain.

The third was the suggestion that we should not be sending money to Ukraine when that money could be used to reduce fuel prices at home. Again, this is short-sighted. Since the war began four years ago, Ireland has provided under €500 million to Ukraine mainly to help it keep the lights on and to keep schools and hospitals functioning. The €65 million allocated this year so far would be about enough to extend the government’s original package for another week or so. That would satisfy nobody.

If Ireland withdrew its support for Ukraine and other countries followed, Ukraine would certainly lose the war. We would face millions more refugees coming west, unwilling to live under Russian occupation. Some of them would come to Ireland and would need accommodation and basic services. How much would that cost? I don’t know, but a lot more, for sure.

Having taken Ukraine, Putin would certainly test Nato and Europe’s resolve. Most foreign policy experts I have spoken to believe he is keen to do so while Trump is in office and American security guarantees cannot be trusted. It could come in the form of an attack on the Baltic states or
Poland. The war games and planning have already begun, with Russian ships and submarines surveying the cables, potential targets and defences around Europe including Ireland. Our neutrality matters as much to them as Ukraine’s or Georgia’s did.

The Baltic states use the euro just like us. What impact would a military attack on a eurozone country have on the value of the euro in our pocket? What impact would war in Poland or Lithuania have on the cost of fuel and commodities and therefore the cost of living here?

We support Ukraine politically and financially not just because it is the right thing to do, but very much because it is in our self-interest. We need to know that.

The climate crisis and the energy crisis are both caused by our overdependence on fossil fuels and chemicals from unstable parts of the world. The solution is clear — climate action at home to give us alternative and secure sources of energy while also playing whatever small part we can to make the unstable parts of our world more stable through foreign aid, collective security and peace building.
Whatever we do, let’s not choose temporary relief now if the cost is more pain for longer just a little later.