Most native Germans who lose their job would claim unemployment benefit based on contributions they made while working, akin to Britain’s national insurance. So Bürgergeld, which is the fallback option, goes disproportionately to foreigners.
“If you look at the Bürgergeld, which is about €50bn – one of the major components of the social expenses of the government – €26bn each year goes to foreigners. It’s too large,” says Kofner.
The Bild newspaper has calculated that Germany’s offer to asylum seekers is more generous than neighbouring countries, such as Denmark, France or Poland.
There have been stories of “welfare farming” – Romanians or Bulgarians arriving en masse, living in cheap hostels, working in part-time jobs and claiming welfare – some of which is skimmed off by the scheme’s organisers.
Bärbel Bas, the labour minister of the SPD, said this month that “nobody is immigrating into our social system”. But many were sceptical.
In Saxony-Anhalt, a recent pilot project required jobless asylum seekers to do community service or face reduced benefits. But two out of three targeted participants simply refused to turn up.
In another district, the participation rate was 77pc, but they were offered a payment.
These schemes are nevertheless touted as a model for the future.
AfD’s fix, though, is simpler: prevent migrants arriving and deport more of those already here.
Kofner represents AfD’s more economically libertarian wing, but his solution is almost as radical.
“I wouldn’t cut social benefits first of all. I would cut taxes. About 50pc of your income on average is going out as taxes and social contributions,” he says.
The fight intensifies
Merz’s government is looking elsewhere for answers. He has set up several commissions to tackle the increasingly unaffordable pension and healthcare systems, and to eke out more savings from the benefits system.
But the unions and social organisations, and even many MPs from his coalition partner the SPD, are gearing up to resist.
Germany’s total welfare spending climbed about 6pc last year. That may be slower than the 10pc increase in Sir Keir Starmer’s Britain, but Merz is looking to tap the brakes harder.
He faces resistance from unions and social organisations, and even many MPs from his coalition partner, the SPD.
“Those who continue to dismantle the welfare state during a crisis will only deepen the crisis,” Joachim Rock, of the national welfare association Paritätische, said this month.
The cuts are almost inevitable. Germans’ healthcare, pensions and social security are all funded largely via national-insurance-style contributions. These are shared between employer and employee, and together amount to well more than one-third of a worker’s income.