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Photos: Flash90, AP Images<\/p>\n
Is the Trump plan for a new Gaza a dangerous dream?<\/p>\n
Photos: Flash90, AP Images<\/p>\n
Jared Kushner\u2019s plan for New Gaza has a Board of Peace, computer-generated slides, and even a technocratic head. But is this amorphous plan all a path to a Palestinian state?<\/p>\n
Donald Trump never does anything halfway. For most presidents, blowing up the annual Davos summit with threats to invade Greenland would be enough. But Trump went one better: On the sidelines of the prestigious meetup, he presented his much-touted Board of Peace to rebuild Gaza.<\/p>\n
Beyond a few slides showing a futuristic-looking paradise on the Mediterranean, complete with gleaming office towers and data centers, much is still unclear. But one sign that something serious is in the works is the choice of the person who will be the face of the new initiative.<\/p>\n
About two weeks ago, Egypt, Qatar, and Turkey announced the appointment of Dr. Ali Shaath as head of the \u201cNational Committee for the Administration of Gaza.\u201d Four days later, in a Cairo hotel, Shaath signed the body\u2019s mandate document, his first official act in the role.<\/p>\n
Shaath, a 67-year-old civil engineer who has held various positions over the years within the Palestinian Authority, is meant to lead a committee of 15 Palestinian technocrats tasked with managing daily life in the Strip. Among the tasks waiting for the Administration to tackle: 68 million tons of rubble, 2.2 million residents\u00a0\u2014 nearly all of whom have been displaced at least once\u00a0\u2014 collapsed water and electricity infrastructure, and destroyed hospitals and schools.<\/p>\n
But beyond the immense technical challenge, more fundamental questions arise. What exactly are Shaath\u2019s powers? Is he meant to confront Hamas? Does he have the authority or capacity to disarm the organization? And to whom is he really loyal\u00a0\u2014 the Palestinian Authority that he comes from, the Americans who backed his appointment, or perhaps no one at all?<\/p>\n
Mystery Man<\/p>\n
Ali Abd al-Hamid Shaath was born in 1958 in Khan Yunis in the southern Gaza Strip. He is a member of the large Shaath clan, many of whose members identify with Fatah. Shaath himself has lived for many years in the West Bank, not in Gaza.<\/p>\n
On paper, his education is impressive. In 1982 he completed a bachelor\u2019s degree in civil engineering at Ain Shams University in Cairo, followed by a master\u2019s degree there in 1986. In 1989 he received a doctorate in infrastructure planning and urban development from Queen\u2019s University Belfast in Northern Ireland.<\/p>\n
His career within the Palestinian Authority included a wide range of roles: deputy minister of planning and international cooperation; secretary-general at the Ministry of Transport (during a period in which he was described as \u201cArafat\u2019s deputy\u201d in that field); chairman of the Industrial Zones and Free Trade Authority; chairman of the Palestinian Housing Council; and head of the Ports Authority. In 2005 he served as a member of the permanent-status negotiation teams, dealing with technical matters such as borders, ports, and maritime access.<\/p>\n
What is known about his political positions? Not much. In a 2011 interview with Israel Army Radio, he expressed support for a two-state solution and nonviolent struggle. \u201cI think our people are content not to return to violence,\u201d he said at the time. In the same interview, he argued that Jews seeking Palestinian citizenship could live in the West Bank and purchase land\u00a0\u2014 a position rejected by many in Palestinian society. Sources close to his family told Arab media that he consistently avoids factional politics. On the other hand, there is almost no public information about his activities between 2007, when Hamas took control of Gaza, and 2023.<\/p>\n
Middle of The Road?<\/p>\n
Shaath\u2019s path to appointment ran through the corridors of both Arab and western capitals. President Trump\u2019s 20-point plan stipulated that Gaza would be administered by a \u201ctechnocratic and apolitical\u201d Palestinian committee. In November, the UN Security Council endorsed the plan in Resolution 2803.<\/p>\n
At the same time, negotiations were conducted between Fatah and Hamas. The rival organizations agreed on a list of 40 possible candidates, from which 15 were ultimately selected. The final choice was made in coordination with Israel, the United States, Egypt, Qatar, and Turkey. Nickolay Mladenov, the Bulgarian diplomat who previously served as the UN\u2019s Middle East envoy, was the one who approached Shaath and offered him the position.<\/p>\n
Israeli security officials who approved the committee\u2019s composition said it consisted of \u201cFatah figures who are not extreme, similar to Palestinian Authority officials we already work with.\u201d Shaath\u2019s low profile\u00a0\u2014 the fact that he is largely unknown to the wider public and has not been associated with scandals\u00a0\u2014 was apparently considered an advantage.<\/p>\n
But the question can also be framed differently: Was Shaath chosen because of his abilities, or because he isn\u2019t a threat to anyone? He\u2019s a civil engineer, not a security man; a technocrat, not a political leader; someone who knows how to manage projects, not someone who knows how to confront an armed organization.<\/p>\n
By the Board<\/p>\n
The National Committee for the Administration of Gaza has 15 members, all defined as politically independent technocrats\u00a0\u2014 even as many have clear ties to Fatah and to Palestinian Authority institutions. Shaath serves as chairman and is also responsible for the energy and transportation portfolios.<\/p>\n
Among the prominent members: Sami Nasman, a retired officer from the Palestinian General Intelligence who was previously imprisoned by Hamas, was appointed to oversee internal security. Ayed Abu Ramadan, chairman of the Gaza Chamber of Commerce, was appointed to be responsible for economy and trade. Hana Tarazi, the Strip\u2019s first Christian female lawyer and an expert in Islamic law, is also a committee member.<\/p>\n
What is the committee supposed to do? According to its official definition, its task is the routine management of public services: electricity, water, health, education. Clearing rubble. Rehabilitating infrastructure. Managing international donor funds. In the mandate document Shaath signed, the committee expressed a commitment \u201cto rebuild the Gaza Strip not only in infrastructure but also in spirit.\u201d<\/p>\n
But it is no less important to understand what the committee is not meant to do. Shaath himself has stated this explicitly in interviews: \u201cSecurity issues and coordination with armed factions are not among the committee\u2019s tasks. The committee is not an army\u00a0\u2014 it is made up of 15 Palestinian experts for reconstruction, supported by staff; more minds than weapons.\u201d<\/p>\n
In other words: Disarming Hamas is not the committee\u2019s responsibility. That task is supposed to fall to an International Stabilization Force (ISF), which has yet to be established. The committee has no political authority to represent Gaza\u2019s residents internationally. It is not a sovereign government, but rather a temporary administrative body operating under the supervision of a complex structure: a \u201cPeace Council\u201d chaired by Trump with overarching and symbolic oversight; an \u201cExecutive Council\u201d including Jared Kushner, Steve Witkoff, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan, and Tony Blair in an operational role; and Mladenov as the senior representative on the ground.<\/p>\n
Here lies the significant gap between rhetoric and reality. When US envoy Witkoff announced the start of the second phase, he spoke of a \u201ctransition from ceasefire to demilitarization.\u201d But the committee itself is not charged with demilitarization. Shaath is not a military commander and has no enforcement power. He is an engineer tasked with managing a reconstruction project in an arena where an armed organization effectively controls large areas.<\/p>\n
Dirty Work<\/p>\n
The central question hanging in the air is simple: Is Shaath meant to confront Hamas?<\/p>\n
The official answer is no. By definition, his role is limited to civilian administration. Disarmament is the responsibility of the ISF. But the ISF has not yet been established. And Hamas effectively controls large swaths of the Strip, east of the so-called yellow line.<\/p>\n
Hamas welcomed the establishment of the committee. That alone raises questions. The organization declared its willingness to transfer civilian powers to the committee, but did not commit to disarming. In other words: Hamas is prepared for someone else to take responsibility for electricity, water, and education, while it retains military power.<\/p>\n
Palestinian researcher Jihad Harb put it bluntly: \u201cThe committee\u2019s ability to maintain security will be limited because the actor that controls Gaza is Hamas. Shaath\u2019s mandate is confined to civilian, economic, and aid issues.\u201d<\/p>\n
This is precisely the scenario Israel fears, the so-called \u201cHezbollah model\u201d: a civilian administration for appearances\u2019 sake, responsible for reconstruction and routine management, while military and security control remain in the hands of the armed organization. A civilian facade for a military force.<\/p>\n
And what happens when there is a clash? When the committee needs to do something that Hamas opposes? When enforcement or policing are necessary or a conflict of interest arises? Shaath has no police force. No armed units. He has 15 experts and a budget that relies on international donations.<\/p>\n
PA to the PA<\/p>\n
In interviews since his appointment, Shaath has outlined a three-stage plan: an emergency aid phase lasting six months; a recovery phase of about two and a half years including rehabilitation of infrastructure and basic facilities; and a reconstruction and development phase. All told, he said, Gaza would require seven years of serious work to recover.<\/p>\n
\u201cWe are not talking about rehabilitation but about rebuilding,\u201d he said in an interview on Palestinian radio. On clearing rubble, he floated a creative idea: \u201cIf I bring bulldozers and push the rubble into the sea, I will create new islands, new land for Gaza, while at the same time removing the waste. It won\u2019t take more than three years.\u201d<\/p>\n
On security, he has said almost nothing. He has not addressed Hamas directly in his public interviews. In the mandate document he wrote that \u201cpeace is the only way to achieve the legitimate rights of the Palestinians.\u201d<\/p>\n
Worryingly, Shaath is a veteran Palestinian Authority figure. He held senior posts under Yasser Arafat and Mahmoud Abbas. His family is identified with Fatah. Most committee members share a similar background\u00a0\u2014 PA officials, Fatah affiliates, or at least people who worked within PA institutions.<\/p>\n
From an Israeli perspective, this is a problem. Prime Minister Netanyahu has repeatedly stated that \u201cthe Palestinian Authority will not rule Gaza.\u201d Yet the committee is largely composed of PA figures. Sharp-eyed observers noted the PLO flag that appeared in a video Shaath recorded\u00a0\u2014 not by accident.<\/p>\n
Is Ali Shaath what Gaza needs? The answer depends on what one wants to happen there. If the goal is to manage an infrastructure reconstruction project under international supervision while someone else deals with Hamas, perhaps Shaath is the right man. If the goal is to establish a governing authority that replaces Hamas and actually rules the Strip, it is hard to see how a civil engineer without enforcement power can do that. It\u2019s also hard to see how this is anything but a backdoor move to restore power in Gaza to the Palestinian Authority.<\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
(Originally featured in Mishpacha, Issue 1097)<\/p>\n
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