WASHINGTON (AP) \u2014 For Democrats demoralized at being shut out of power in Washington, the past several months have offered reason for optimism.<\/p>\n
A party often beset by ideological division has largely been unified in opposition to President Donald Trump\u2019s<\/a> hard-line immigration tactics, particularly after two U.S. citizens were killed in Minneapolis<\/a>. Heading into a midterm election year in which they are just a few seats shy of reclaiming the U.S. House majority, Democrats have also kept the White House on defense with criticism of Trump\u2019s economic policies and ties to Jeffrey Epstein<\/a>, the convicted sex offender.<\/p>\n But the U.S. and Israeli strikes against Iran could test the durability of that cohesion. Initially, Democrats balanced condemnation of Iran\u2019s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who was killed over the weekend<\/a>, with calls for Congress to quickly pass a war powers resolution that would restrain Trump\u2019s attack options.<\/p>\n \u201cAs soon as our resolution comes to the floor, senators need to pick a side,\u201d Senate Democratic leader Chuck Schumer said on Monday. \u201cStand with Americans who don\u2019t want war, or stand with Donald Trump as he single-handedly starts another war.\u201d<\/p>\n Democratic divisions going into war powers vote<\/p>\n But some divisions are surfacing as a handful of Democrats, especially those who are strongly aligned with Israel, express reservations about the war powers measure. Rep. Greg Landsman, D-Ohio, won\u2019t back an Iran resolution. Before the strike, Rep. Josh Gottheimer, D-N.J., also said he would vote no.<\/p>\n Sen. John Fetterman<\/a>, D-Pa., who backed a war powers vote tied to Venezuela in January, also has broken with Democrats over the Iranian measure and rejected arguments that the attack was illegal, spurring frustration among some party leaders.<\/p>\n \u201cJohn Fetterman knows better,\u201d House Democratic leader Hakeem Jeffries said Monday on CNN.<\/p>\n Republicans are also facing internal dissent. Trump, who did little to prepare Americans for the prospect of such a dramatic conflict, said Monday the operation could last four to five weeks. He hasn\u2019t articulated a clear exit strategy and warns that American casualties could mount, which will pose a severe test of voter patience for the conflict.<\/p>\n The war could also lead to rising gas prices and economic volatility that may bolster Democratic arguments that the president is out of touch with the financial realities facing many Americans.<\/p>\n Still, Republicans see an opportunity to portray Democrats as reflexively opposed to Trump.<\/p>\n \u201cFor my Democratic colleagues, this is not about what\u2019s best for our national security or what\u2019s best for protecting the American people,\u201d said Sen. John Kennedy<\/a>, R-La. \u201cThis is about how to defeat Donald Trump.\u201d<\/p>\n A searing debate among Democrats over Israel<\/p>\n Democrats have undergone a searing internal debate over the party\u2019s relationship with Israel in the wake of the war in Gaza. Then-President Joe Biden\u2019s<\/a> loyalty to Israel during the heat of the 2024 campaign was starkly at odds with younger generations outraged by the treatment of Palestinians in Gaza. By the time Kamala Harris <\/a>rose to the top of the ticket that year, she struggled to win over some younger voters who are critical to Democratic success.<\/p>\n Paco Fabian, the political director for the progressive advocacy group Our Revolution, acknowledged that Democrats \u201caren\u2019t monolithic.\u201d But he also suggested a shift was underway, noting the results of a New Jersey special election last month.<\/p>\n During that campaign, the affiliated super PAC of the pro-Israel American Israel Public Affairs committee sought to thwart the moderate candidate, Tom Malinowski, after he questioned unconditional aid to the Israeli government. Those efforts appeared to backfire with the more progressive contender, Analilia Mejia, winning the primary.<\/p>\n \u201cGiven what\u2019s going on right now, I don\u2019t think the moment is doing AIPAC and Israel any favors,\u201d Fabian said.<\/p>\n Sympathy toward Israel appears to be shifting. Three years ago, 54% of Americans sympathized more with the Israelis, compared with 31% for the Palestinians, according to Gallup polling <\/a>released last month. Now, their support is about evenly balanced, with 41% saying their sympathies lie more with the Palestinians, and only 36% saying the same about the Israelis.<\/p>\n Americans\u2019 initial reactions to airstrikes also appeared more negative than positive, early polling suggested. About 6 in 10 U.S. adults disapproved of the U.S. decision to take military action in Iran, according to a CNN poll conducted via text message over the weekend. A separate snap poll from The Washington Post conducted via text message on Sunday suggested that about half of those polled opposed the strikes, while 39% were in support. Roughly 1 in 10 were unsure.<\/p>\n Democrats and independents drove much of the disapproval in those early polls, while Republicans were much more supportive.<\/p>\n Elections this week could show impact of attacks<\/p>\n The initial political impact of the attacks in Iran could emerge as soon as Tuesday during the first primary elections of this year\u2019s midterm campaign.<\/p>\n In North Carolina, Durham County Commissioner Nida Allam was already going into her bid to unseat two-term Rep. Valerie Foushee with backing from Our Revolution and other top progressives. After receiving support from groups tied to AIPAC during her 2022 campaign, Foushee\u2019s campaign rejected such contributions this cycle. Over the weekend, she said she doesn\u2019t support \u201cTrump\u2019s illegal war with Iran\u201d and would back the war powers resolution.<\/p>\n