This column originally appeared in The Politics Brief, our weekly newsletter on the people, power and policies that shape New Yorkers’ lives.<\/p>\n
Sign up<\/a> to get the full version, where you can ask questions, share news tips and weigh in on the conversation. Hits inboxes on Wednesdays.<\/p>\n Zohran Mamdani\u2019s winning mayoral campaign was powered by grassroots support. But to deliver on his ambitious agenda, Mamdani will need support from traditional city power brokers \u2013 some of whom were skeptical of his platform \u2013 and to balance the players on highly sensitive issues.<\/p>\n These are the kind of relationships that can make or break a mayoralty, so we put together a non-comprehensive list of some key relationships to watch as New York City enters the Mamdani era.<\/p>\n Mamdani and the Jewish community<\/p>\n Mamdani committed an unforced error with his transition\u2019s efforts to build bridges with Jewish leaders after facing unending accusations of antisemitism from his critics over his criticism of Israel. One of his first appointments, Catherine Almonte Da Costa, resigned just one day after she was introduced due to antisemitic tweets<\/a> she made in 2012. Da Costa served as head of appointments for all of one day.<\/p>\n For Mamdani\u2019s critics in the Jewish community, the fiasco was further evidence that he is not doing enough to fight antisemitism. Throughout the campaign, they pointed to his criticism of Israel and past defense of the phrase \u201cglobalize the intifada\u201d as a sign he is too radical to govern.<\/p>\n Mamdani said he would not have hired Da Costa if he\u2019d known about the tweets, and that his transition was revising how it vets new hires. The pro-Israel Anti-Defamation League has vowed to track all of Mamdani\u2019s policies and appointments and surfaced Da Costa\u2019s tweets. The episode foreshadows potential clashes to come as Mamdani\u2019s actions and statements are closely scrutinized.<\/p>\n Mamdani and the police<\/p>\n Mamdani and Police Commissioner Jessica Tisch could be in for a fight if and when the mayor tries to implement his promised Department of Community Safety. The new agency would respond to certain mental health emergencies, instead of the NYPD. And if there\u2019s one thing that gets the city\u2019s powerful police unions up in arms, it\u2019s messing with their bottom lines.<\/p>\n Many police officers have already been grumbling about Tisch\u2019s success in reining in the department\u2019s overtime, which is consistently a budget buster. That tension could escalate dramatically if Mamdani looks to decrease the scope of officers\u2019 responsibilities. Rank-and-file officers turned their backs on former Mayor Bill de Blasio during his first term \u2013 a cautionary tale for Mamdani.<\/p>\n Mamdani and Menin<\/p>\n Before New York City Councilmember Julie Menin steamrolled rivals and established herself as the presumptive speaker, the conventional wisdom was that someone representing the tony Upper East Side and married to a prominent developer would be a check on Mamdani\u2019s most progressive policies.<\/p>\n Menin has said the Council will \u201cthoroughly review\u201d Mamdani\u2019s plan for a Department of Community Safety. During the transition, Menin has focused on areas where she and Mamdani align. She\u2019s suggested using the Council\u2019s subpoena powers to crack down on corporate greed<\/a>.<\/p>\n But those same subpoena powers could be used to turn the heat up on Mamdani\u2019s administration. The speaker-mayor relationship remains a big question mark, despite Menin and Mamdani\u2019s initial efforts to play nice.<\/p>\n Fortunately for Mamdani, the mayor has a lot more power than the Council \u2014 and that power expanded significantly after voters approved Mayor Eric Adams\u2019 housing-related ballot questions in November. The Council\u2019s power to block development has been neutered.<\/p>\n Mamdani and Hochul<\/p>\n The mayor-elect\u2019s relationship with Gov. Kathy Hochul is similarly on a knife-edge. The two agree on universal child care, and both officials have said they will spend political capital (and taxpayer dollars) on the issue in the new year.<\/p>\n But beyond that, there are limits to where Mamdani and Hochul align.<\/p>\n Mamdani has proposed an extra 2% income tax on New York City residents making $1 million or more annually; a separate tax hike on corporations; and a series of cost-saving reforms. He said that would raise $10 billion a year to pay for his affordability agenda.<\/p>\n Hochul has said she won\u2019t raise income taxes \u2013 but she\u2019s been less definitive in ruling out other levies on the rich.<\/p>\n \u201cI’ve not had an increase in our income tax because I want to make sure high-net-worth people know we appreciate them,\u201d Hochul has said. \u201cI don’t want to drive them out of our state.\u201d<\/p>\n Mamdani and Trump<\/p>\n The Oval Office love-fest between the 79-year-old Republican president and the 34-year-old democratic socialist certainly made for great television. But anyone who thinks it augurs a productive relationship between City Hall and the White House has not been paying attention to Trump since 2016.<\/p>\n It\u2019s still a strong possibility that federal immigration agents or National Guard soldiers could storm the streets en masse. If that occurs, Mamdani\u2019s friction with other local and state leaders could fall away as moderate and left-leaning New Yorkers unite against federal interference.<\/p>\n We want to hear from you<\/p>\n We\u2019re in the final days of the Mayor Adams administration. How will you remember his tenure?<\/p>\n